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From The Spectator

Jay Bhattacharya
Why India is reluctant to repeat its disastrous lockdown experiment

Hospitals in Delhi are openly pleading for supplies of medical oxygen, a commodity so scarce that it is now being sold on the black market for almost ten times the normal cost. Makeshift crematoria are being set up around the city to cope with the surge in the number of deaths. Richer countries are asking why India, with 20 million Covid cases now recorded, is so reluctant to lock down again. It is a good question. The answer lies in the disastrous effects of lockdown for so much of India’s population.

Closing any society has serious consequences, but the results were always going to be worse in the developing world. I have been watching the pandemic unfold in India from Stanford University, where I’m a professor of medicine. But for me, it is not just an abstract problem in a faraway country. I was born in Kolkata and still have many family members in India. Some have contracted Covid, while others have suffered from the terrible effects of lockdown.

As soon as the pandemic started, India followed the familiar litany of Covid lockdown policy: masks, a test-and-trace system, school closures and border closures. India was one of the first emerging economies to announce a lockdown and adopted one of the world’s most stringent approaches.

Stay-at-home advice is easier to follow if you have a proper home. But in India’s’ slums, where millions of people live, quarantine is almost impossible — as is the concept of ‘working from home’ or home-schooling.

Then there are migrant labourers, ten million of whom were living in India’s cities before the pandemic. Lockdown meant many of them immediately lost their jobs, livelihoods and homes. Millions started on the long journey back to their villages on foot, not knowing whether they would ever make it home.

We know some of the stories of the dead. Hayar Mohamad was a mason who perished on his 600-mile walk from Hyderabad to West Bengal. Police said he appeared to have ‘exhausted all resources’ as he made the journey back home by foot. Ram Biswas, a 36-year-old builder, died from apparent starvation after attempting to cycle 450 miles home when he lost his city job. Ranveer Singh tried to walk 125 miles after the closure of the Delhi restaurant he worked in, but also died. All told, at least 900 people are understood to have perished during this migration — now known as India’s Trail of Tears.

Lockdown meant precipitating India’s largest human displacement since partition in 1947. The forced resettlement of massive numbers of Bengalis, including my grandparents, is within the ancestral memory of my older family members, who recall the story with horror.

Lockdown has also had a devastating impact on other areas of Indian society, particularly when it comes to nutrition, immunisation and other services for children. Take tuberculosis, which even before Covid was claiming 1,000 lives a day in India. By April last year, the number of BCG jabs administered to children had fallen by half, as had the number treated for tuberculosis. Exact medical figures in India are notoriously difficult to get hold of, but studies pointed to the fact that every extra month of lockdown in India would equate to 71,300 extra deaths from tuberculosis alone over the next five years.

Already, the United Nations reckons that the disruption to nutrition and medical services has given rise to a 15 per cent increase in child mortality in India, which equates to an estimated death toll of 154,000. And that’s before adult mortality is included. Kaushik Basu, a former chief economist of the World Bank, says that lockdown served a ‘double shock’ to India, causing the economy to tank and infections to surge among the poor.

There has been some praise for India’s lockdown. The British Medical Journal published a study hailing the Mumbai experience as a ‘success story’. But one study in Mumbai found that Covid had infected 57 per cent of people living in the Dharavi slums (where lockdown was impossible to enforce), while the figure for the rest of Mumbai was only 16 per cent.

One way to understand the trajectory of cases in India is to see that the lockdowns at first protected the professional Zoom class from infection, while exposing the poor. But it was never a guarantee that more affluent populations would not end up affected by the disease as well. India’s experience is consistent with the track record of lockdowns around the world. Official Indian government estimates suggest that between 37,000 and 80,000 lives have been saved by lockdown. Even if this estimate is right, the numbers are surpassed by the death and suffering lockdowns also caused.

What could have been done differently? A better strategy of vaccination, for a start. When the jab first became available in India, I argued for focused protection of the elderly population. There is a thousand-fold difference in the risk of mortality from Covid between the young and old, so protecting elderly Indians from infection would yield substantially lower Covid mortality and hospitalisation, as well as reduce pressure on healthcare systems.

So far, vaccines have been delivered to roughly 10 per cent of India’s population — which would have been more effective if jabs had been targeted at those most at risk. Instead, perhaps half these jabs have gone to those who have had the virus and will therefore have natural immunity. Worse, nearly 60 per cent of these vaccine doses have gone to people under 60, leaving a vast number of the older population vulnerable during the recent surge in cases. Rather than focus on those most at risk of dying, India has made the vaccine available to anyone over 18, which has diverted even more doses from the poor high-risk elderly to the more affluent low-risk young.

But before we in the West shake our heads at India’s misplaced priorities, we ought to ask: is Britain not also guilty? The UK’s vaccination success has now covered the at-risk groups who constitute 99 per cent of Covid deaths. On Monday, just one Covid death was registered in England. But the plan is to keep vaccinating the British population right the way down to teenagers and children. Why not donate these vaccines to India instead?

The US is also turning its attention to vaccinating its younger population. Some colleges in America require students to show proof of Covid vaccination to enrol in school, even though they are not particularly vulnerable to the disease. On campus, students will quite rightly be encouraged to take their role as global citizens seriously, to care about developing-world poverty and the impact of climate change. But if Britain and America are sitting on millions of doses of vaccine that could save the lives of India’s elderly, what should we do? Share the vaccine? Or give it to those for whom it would make little or (in the case of those who have recovered from the disease) almost no difference? It is hard to find a moral justification for not doing more to help.

India makes lots of vaccines. Yet Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor, has complained that India is not exporting enough of its supplies to Europe. Discussion should instead focus on how to save as many lives as possible — and how it is more important to vaccinate older, high-risk Indians than young Americans and Europeans with minimal mortality risk. Given that recovering from Covid offers 95 per cent protection against reinfection, those who have had the virus ought to be last in line for a vaccine. Joe Biden is sending raw materials to help make AstraZeneca vaccines in India: no great hardship, seeing as the Astra jab has not yet been authorised in the United States. The US has sent limited shipments of medical equipment as well. Britain is donating 1,000 ventilators, having plenty left over from a panic purchase last year (based on what turned out to be wrong advice from scientific advisers). But what about jabs, to stop people needing those ventilators?

I was one of the signatories of the Great Barrington Declaration, which advocated shielding those most at risk, and fewer restrictions for those at low risk. When vaccine programmes have followed this general principle and been targeted at those most in need — as they have been in Britain — the results have been extraordinary. We should ask: why not apply this principle worldwide? When our own at-risk groups have been protected, might we then start to help countries still in mortal peril?

Britain and America both have proud records of helping friends in need. There can be no better example, right now, of a country needing aid than India.

WRITTEN BY

Jay Bhattacharya
Jay Bhattacharya is a professor of medicine at Stanford and research associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research.
 

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Following Labours poor election results strange that none of the media are calling for Keir Starmer to resign.
The SW1 media set are capable of creating nothing more than noise, yet our politicians are to a large extent in thrall of them.

Corbyn was a disaster for Labour, yet he was the darling of a minority with the loudest mouths.

Starmer is the model of an earnest grey man, he has no discernible policies and is unlikely to ever be PM, but he does seem to be attempting - against a strident opposition - to rid the Labour Party of its more loony loud-mouthed contingent (again). If he manages to do that he will have set them back on a path to being electable which will do us all a massive favour as we currently lack a credible opposition to keep a largely inept government honest. In the meantime, the problems the Labour Party face are both structural and cultural and run much deeper than who manages (or "leads") the party.

Someone in the Labour Party commented to a journo yesterday, "Just because we've stopped pi$$ing in the bath doesn't mean that people want to jump in with us". Pretty much sums up their disaster of the Corbyn years, but shows a lack of understanding that their problems run much deeper and don't all lay at Corbyn's door.
 
The SW1 media set are capable of creating nothing more than noise, yet our politicians are to a large extent in thrall of them.

Corbyn was a disaster for Labour, yet he was the darling of a minority with the loudest mouths.

Starmer is the model of an earnest grey man, he has no discernible policies and is unlikely to ever be PM, but he does seem to be attempting - against a strident opposition - to rid the Labour Party of its more loony loud-mouthed contingent (again). If he manages to do that he will have set them back on a path to being electable which will do us all a massive favour as we currently lack a credible opposition to keep a largely inept government honest. In the meantime, the problems the Labour Party face are both structural and cultural and run much deeper than who manages (or "leads") the party.

Someone in the Labour Party commented to a journo yesterday, "Just because we've stopped pi$$ing in the bath doesn't mean that people want to jump in with us". Pretty much sums up their disaster of the Corbyn years, but shows a lack of understanding that their problems run much deeper and don't all lay at Corbyn's door.
IMHO a significant issue for Labour has been the decline/collapse of ‘big’ industry, ie ship building, steel, coal, automotive. In addition, privatisation and break up of big unionised service provision such as rail, electricity generation has occurred over the same period. Used to be hordes of workers turning up en masse to the ‘closed-shop’ factories, all (well more likely most and certainly many) aligned with Labour/unionist politics and rhetoric. Most living in rented accommodation with a ‘no debt, no credit’ mentality. Many paid weekly in cash. Etc..

Much has changed over the last forty-years. The Labour Party and Trades Union movement have not.
 
Much has changed over the last forty-years. The Labour Party and Trades Union movement have not.
Ahh... but the Labour Party has changed.

As Britain de-industrialised many of the traditional mass employers disappeared and the Labour Party became dominated by the "Islington Set", the graduates, the urban liberals and the managerial and professional classes, and became largely irrelevant to their much more populous grass-roots "working class" base. And when that working class base - which despite de-industrialisation still exists - was deserted by Labour it sought a new home. Which is why the previously unimaginable sight of Hartlepool returning a Tory MP became a reality on 6th May 2021.

As I said in an earlier post, Labour's troubles run far deeper than its current, or immediately prior, leader.
 
From The Spectator

Jay Bhattacharya
Why India is reluctant to repeat its disastrous lockdown experiment

Hospitals in Delhi are openly pleading for supplies of medical oxygen, a commodity so scarce that it is now being sold on the black market for almost ten times the normal cost. Makeshift crematoria are being set up around the city to cope with the surge in the number of deaths. Richer countries are asking why India, with 20 million Covid cases now recorded, is so reluctant to lock down again. It is a good question. The answer lies in the disastrous effects of lockdown for so much of India’s population.

Closing any society has serious consequences, but the results were always going to be worse in the developing world. I have been watching the pandemic unfold in India from Stanford University, where I’m a professor of medicine. But for me, it is not just an abstract problem in a faraway country. I was born in Kolkata and still have many family members in India. Some have contracted Covid, while others have suffered from the terrible effects of lockdown.

As soon as the pandemic started, India followed the familiar litany of Covid lockdown policy: masks, a test-and-trace system, school closures and border closures. India was one of the first emerging economies to announce a lockdown and adopted one of the world’s most stringent approaches.

Stay-at-home advice is easier to follow if you have a proper home. But in India’s’ slums, where millions of people live, quarantine is almost impossible — as is the concept of ‘working from home’ or home-schooling.

Then there are migrant labourers, ten million of whom were living in India’s cities before the pandemic. Lockdown meant many of them immediately lost their jobs, livelihoods and homes. Millions started on the long journey back to their villages on foot, not knowing whether they would ever make it home.

We know some of the stories of the dead. Hayar Mohamad was a mason who perished on his 600-mile walk from Hyderabad to West Bengal. Police said he appeared to have ‘exhausted all resources’ as he made the journey back home by foot. Ram Biswas, a 36-year-old builder, died from apparent starvation after attempting to cycle 450 miles home when he lost his city job. Ranveer Singh tried to walk 125 miles after the closure of the Delhi restaurant he worked in, but also died. All told, at least 900 people are understood to have perished during this migration — now known as India’s Trail of Tears.

Lockdown meant precipitating India’s largest human displacement since partition in 1947. The forced resettlement of massive numbers of Bengalis, including my grandparents, is within the ancestral memory of my older family members, who recall the story with horror.

Lockdown has also had a devastating impact on other areas of Indian society, particularly when it comes to nutrition, immunisation and other services for children. Take tuberculosis, which even before Covid was claiming 1,000 lives a day in India. By April last year, the number of BCG jabs administered to children had fallen by half, as had the number treated for tuberculosis. Exact medical figures in India are notoriously difficult to get hold of, but studies pointed to the fact that every extra month of lockdown in India would equate to 71,300 extra deaths from tuberculosis alone over the next five years.

Already, the United Nations reckons that the disruption to nutrition and medical services has given rise to a 15 per cent increase in child mortality in India, which equates to an estimated death toll of 154,000. And that’s before adult mortality is included. Kaushik Basu, a former chief economist of the World Bank, says that lockdown served a ‘double shock’ to India, causing the economy to tank and infections to surge among the poor.

There has been some praise for India’s lockdown. The British Medical Journal published a study hailing the Mumbai experience as a ‘success story’. But one study in Mumbai found that Covid had infected 57 per cent of people living in the Dharavi slums (where lockdown was impossible to enforce), while the figure for the rest of Mumbai was only 16 per cent.

One way to understand the trajectory of cases in India is to see that the lockdowns at first protected the professional Zoom class from infection, while exposing the poor. But it was never a guarantee that more affluent populations would not end up affected by the disease as well. India’s experience is consistent with the track record of lockdowns around the world. Official Indian government estimates suggest that between 37,000 and 80,000 lives have been saved by lockdown. Even if this estimate is right, the numbers are surpassed by the death and suffering lockdowns also caused.

What could have been done differently? A better strategy of vaccination, for a start. When the jab first became available in India, I argued for focused protection of the elderly population. There is a thousand-fold difference in the risk of mortality from Covid between the young and old, so protecting elderly Indians from infection would yield substantially lower Covid mortality and hospitalisation, as well as reduce pressure on healthcare systems.

So far, vaccines have been delivered to roughly 10 per cent of India’s population — which would have been more effective if jabs had been targeted at those most at risk. Instead, perhaps half these jabs have gone to those who have had the virus and will therefore have natural immunity. Worse, nearly 60 per cent of these vaccine doses have gone to people under 60, leaving a vast number of the older population vulnerable during the recent surge in cases. Rather than focus on those most at risk of dying, India has made the vaccine available to anyone over 18, which has diverted even more doses from the poor high-risk elderly to the more affluent low-risk young.

But before we in the West shake our heads at India’s misplaced priorities, we ought to ask: is Britain not also guilty? The UK’s vaccination success has now covered the at-risk groups who constitute 99 per cent of Covid deaths. On Monday, just one Covid death was registered in England. But the plan is to keep vaccinating the British population right the way down to teenagers and children. Why not donate these vaccines to India instead?

The US is also turning its attention to vaccinating its younger population. Some colleges in America require students to show proof of Covid vaccination to enrol in school, even though they are not particularly vulnerable to the disease. On campus, students will quite rightly be encouraged to take their role as global citizens seriously, to care about developing-world poverty and the impact of climate change. But if Britain and America are sitting on millions of doses of vaccine that could save the lives of India’s elderly, what should we do? Share the vaccine? Or give it to those for whom it would make little or (in the case of those who have recovered from the disease) almost no difference? It is hard to find a moral justification for not doing more to help.

India makes lots of vaccines. Yet Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor, has complained that India is not exporting enough of its supplies to Europe. Discussion should instead focus on how to save as many lives as possible — and how it is more important to vaccinate older, high-risk Indians than young Americans and Europeans with minimal mortality risk. Given that recovering from Covid offers 95 per cent protection against reinfection, those who have had the virus ought to be last in line for a vaccine. Joe Biden is sending raw materials to help make AstraZeneca vaccines in India: no great hardship, seeing as the Astra jab has not yet been authorised in the United States. The US has sent limited shipments of medical equipment as well. Britain is donating 1,000 ventilators, having plenty left over from a panic purchase last year (based on what turned out to be wrong advice from scientific advisers). But what about jabs, to stop people needing those ventilators?

I was one of the signatories of the Great Barrington Declaration, which advocated shielding those most at risk, and fewer restrictions for those at low risk. When vaccine programmes have followed this general principle and been targeted at those most in need — as they have been in Britain — the results have been extraordinary. We should ask: why not apply this principle worldwide? When our own at-risk groups have been protected, might we then start to help countries still in mortal peril?

Britain and America both have proud records of helping friends in need. There can be no better example, right now, of a country needing aid than India.

WRITTEN BY

Jay Bhattacharya
Jay Bhattacharya is a professor of medicine at Stanford and research associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research.
So let me understand what this signatory to the Great Barrington Declaration is saying. He wants GB to feel guilty for not sending its vaccine stocks to India. I don’t know what level of stock we have here, but roughly 50 million vaccinations have been given, which equates to 25 million double jabs. So at the very best maximum we will have vaccines for another 40 million people. How much help would that number really provide for the 1.4 billion people in India when he has already said that those given so far haven’t been correctly administered? In the meantime, does he expect the UK to put its own vaccination program on hold and risk undermining a great deal of the good it‘s already done?
 
From The Spectator

Jay Bhattacharya
Why India is reluctant to repeat its disastrous lockdown experiment

Hospitals in Delhi are openly pleading for supplies of medical oxygen, a commodity so scarce that it is now being sold on the black market for almost ten times the normal cost. Makeshift crematoria are being set up around the city to cope with the surge in the number of deaths. Richer countries are asking why India, with 20 million Covid cases now recorded, is so reluctant to lock down again. It is a good question. The answer lies in the disastrous effects of lockdown for so much of India’s population.

Closing any society has serious consequences, but the results were always going to be worse in the developing world. I have been watching the pandemic unfold in India from Stanford University, where I’m a professor of medicine. But for me, it is not just an abstract problem in a faraway country. I was born in Kolkata and still have many family members in India. Some have contracted Covid, while others have suffered from the terrible effects of lockdown.

As soon as the pandemic started, India followed the familiar litany of Covid lockdown policy: masks, a test-and-trace system, school closures and border closures. India was one of the first emerging economies to announce a lockdown and adopted one of the world’s most stringent approaches.

Stay-at-home advice is easier to follow if you have a proper home. But in India’s’ slums, where millions of people live, quarantine is almost impossible — as is the concept of ‘working from home’ or home-schooling.

Then there are migrant labourers, ten million of whom were living in India’s cities before the pandemic. Lockdown meant many of them immediately lost their jobs, livelihoods and homes. Millions started on the long journey back to their villages on foot, not knowing whether they would ever make it home.

We know some of the stories of the dead. Hayar Mohamad was a mason who perished on his 600-mile walk from Hyderabad to West Bengal. Police said he appeared to have ‘exhausted all resources’ as he made the journey back home by foot. Ram Biswas, a 36-year-old builder, died from apparent starvation after attempting to cycle 450 miles home when he lost his city job. Ranveer Singh tried to walk 125 miles after the closure of the Delhi restaurant he worked in, but also died. All told, at least 900 people are understood to have perished during this migration — now known as India’s Trail of Tears.

Lockdown meant precipitating India’s largest human displacement since partition in 1947. The forced resettlement of massive numbers of Bengalis, including my grandparents, is within the ancestral memory of my older family members, who recall the story with horror.

Lockdown has also had a devastating impact on other areas of Indian society, particularly when it comes to nutrition, immunisation and other services for children. Take tuberculosis, which even before Covid was claiming 1,000 lives a day in India. By April last year, the number of BCG jabs administered to children had fallen by half, as had the number treated for tuberculosis. Exact medical figures in India are notoriously difficult to get hold of, but studies pointed to the fact that every extra month of lockdown in India would equate to 71,300 extra deaths from tuberculosis alone over the next five years.

Already, the United Nations reckons that the disruption to nutrition and medical services has given rise to a 15 per cent increase in child mortality in India, which equates to an estimated death toll of 154,000. And that’s before adult mortality is included. Kaushik Basu, a former chief economist of the World Bank, says that lockdown served a ‘double shock’ to India, causing the economy to tank and infections to surge among the poor.

There has been some praise for India’s lockdown. The British Medical Journal published a study hailing the Mumbai experience as a ‘success story’. But one study in Mumbai found that Covid had infected 57 per cent of people living in the Dharavi slums (where lockdown was impossible to enforce), while the figure for the rest of Mumbai was only 16 per cent.

One way to understand the trajectory of cases in India is to see that the lockdowns at first protected the professional Zoom class from infection, while exposing the poor. But it was never a guarantee that more affluent populations would not end up affected by the disease as well. India’s experience is consistent with the track record of lockdowns around the world. Official Indian government estimates suggest that between 37,000 and 80,000 lives have been saved by lockdown. Even if this estimate is right, the numbers are surpassed by the death and suffering lockdowns also caused.

What could have been done differently? A better strategy of vaccination, for a start. When the jab first became available in India, I argued for focused protection of the elderly population. There is a thousand-fold difference in the risk of mortality from Covid between the young and old, so protecting elderly Indians from infection would yield substantially lower Covid mortality and hospitalisation, as well as reduce pressure on healthcare systems.

So far, vaccines have been delivered to roughly 10 per cent of India’s population — which would have been more effective if jabs had been targeted at those most at risk. Instead, perhaps half these jabs have gone to those who have had the virus and will therefore have natural immunity. Worse, nearly 60 per cent of these vaccine doses have gone to people under 60, leaving a vast number of the older population vulnerable during the recent surge in cases. Rather than focus on those most at risk of dying, India has made the vaccine available to anyone over 18, which has diverted even more doses from the poor high-risk elderly to the more affluent low-risk young.

But before we in the West shake our heads at India’s misplaced priorities, we ought to ask: is Britain not also guilty? The UK’s vaccination success has now covered the at-risk groups who constitute 99 per cent of Covid deaths. On Monday, just one Covid death was registered in England. But the plan is to keep vaccinating the British population right the way down to teenagers and children. Why not donate these vaccines to India instead?

The US is also turning its attention to vaccinating its younger population. Some colleges in America require students to show proof of Covid vaccination to enrol in school, even though they are not particularly vulnerable to the disease. On campus, students will quite rightly be encouraged to take their role as global citizens seriously, to care about developing-world poverty and the impact of climate change. But if Britain and America are sitting on millions of doses of vaccine that could save the lives of India’s elderly, what should we do? Share the vaccine? Or give it to those for whom it would make little or (in the case of those who have recovered from the disease) almost no difference? It is hard to find a moral justification for not doing more to help.

India makes lots of vaccines. Yet Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor, has complained that India is not exporting enough of its supplies to Europe. Discussion should instead focus on how to save as many lives as possible — and how it is more important to vaccinate older, high-risk Indians than young Americans and Europeans with minimal mortality risk. Given that recovering from Covid offers 95 per cent protection against reinfection, those who have had the virus ought to be last in line for a vaccine. Joe Biden is sending raw materials to help make AstraZeneca vaccines in India: no great hardship, seeing as the Astra jab has not yet been authorised in the United States. The US has sent limited shipments of medical equipment as well. Britain is donating 1,000 ventilators, having plenty left over from a panic purchase last year (based on what turned out to be wrong advice from scientific advisers). But what about jabs, to stop people needing those ventilators?

I was one of the signatories of the Great Barrington Declaration, which advocated shielding those most at risk, and fewer restrictions for those at low risk. When vaccine programmes have followed this general principle and been targeted at those most in need — as they have been in Britain — the results have been extraordinary. We should ask: why not apply this principle worldwide? When our own at-risk groups have been protected, might we then start to help countries still in mortal peril?

Britain and America both have proud records of helping friends in need. There can be no better example, right now, of a country needing aid than India.

WRITTEN BY

Jay Bhattacharya
Jay Bhattacharya is a professor of medicine at Stanford and research associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research.
India is seen around the World as a developed country due to it’s large GDP however the reality is it’s still a third world country. China, North Korea and others have atrocious human rights records but IMHO India’s wanton disregard for the living standards of a lot of their population isn’t that much better
 
So let me understand what this signatory to the Great Barrington Declaration is saying. He wants GB to feel guilty for not sending its vaccine stocks to India. I don’t know what level of stock we have here, but roughly 50 million vaccinations have been given, which equates to 25 million double jabs. So at the very best maximum we will have vaccines for another 40 million people. How much help would that number really provide for the 1.4 billion people in India when he has already said that those given so far haven’t been correctly administered? In the meantime, does he expect the UK to put its own vaccination program on hold and risk undermining a great deal of the good it‘s already done?

Looking at this selfishly, and assuming such fears projected by experts are true that India, Brazil and I expect parts of Africa unceasingly, is that the greater numbers of infections where ever mean there is an increased likelihood of new strains that we have no vaccine for.

It is in the worlds interest to combat this in those densely populated , poor infrastructure regions or we may just be in a perpetual Covid 19, 20, 21... cycle.
It might take a few years though.
 
So let me understand what this signatory to the Great Barrington Declaration is saying. He wants GB to feel guilty for not sending its vaccine stocks to India. I don’t know what level of stock we have here, but roughly 50 million vaccinations have been given, which equates to 25 million double jabs. So at the very best maximum we will have vaccines for another 40 million people. How much help would that number really provide for the 1.4 billion people in India when he has already said that those given so far haven’t been correctly administered? In the meantime, does he expect the UK to put its own vaccination program on hold and risk undermining a great deal of the good it‘s already done?
He is not saying that at all. He is saying that UK should send the doses for children and teenagers to India because those groups are at miniscule risk of serious illness from CV19.

the larger point is that the developed world should not use vaccines for the very low risk groups - such as the US forcing undergraduates to have vaccines or no education - while there remains hundreds of millions of unvaccinated folks in the highest risk groups.
 
Looking at this selfishly, and assuming such fears projected by experts are true that India, Brazil and I expect parts of Africa unceasingly, is that the greater numbers of infections where ever mean there is an increased likelihood of new strains that we have no vaccine for.

It is in the worlds interest to combat this in those densely populated , poor infrastructure regions or we may just be in a perpetual Covid 19, 20, 21... cycle.
It might take a few years though.
So far, there hasn't been any variant identified which evades vaccines in the sense that the vaccinated person suffers serious illness or death due to CV19
 
From The Spectator

The ‘mandate wars’ won’t be resolved anytime soon
8 May 2021, 5:41pm

So what does it all mean? The first thing to bear in mind is that more than one thing may be true at the same time. This is, then, both a historic and thumping victory for Nicola Sturgeon and a mild disappointment. Historic because, after 14 years in power, Scottish voters have handed the SNP a fourth consecutive term in office; a modest disappointment because the SNP made little progress on their 2016 performance. Five years ago, Sturgeon lost the majority - albeit this was an accidental majority - she inherited from Alex Salmond and she failed to regain it this week.

Doing so would have required everything to fall into place for the nationalists. They would have needed to pick up seats such as Dumbarton, Edinburgh Southern, and Aberdeenshire West to have a real crack at a majority. Wins in East Lothian and Ayr were of no great use, being offset by a consequent decline in SNP representation on the South of Scotland regional list.

Even so, as failures go this is a pretty hefty success. 63 seats - assuming Sir John Curtice’s projection is confirmed - is a mighty triumph. The people of Scotland have made it clear they wish Nicola Sturgeon to remain as first minister. She, and she alone, is trusted to lead the country through the next phases of the coronavirus emergency.

But what of the national question? There is little point in denying that the nationalists’ case for a second referendum is a strong one. A manifesto commitment to such a project, aligned with a comparable Green pledge to pursue a referendum, endows the demand with a certain moral authority. There is a compelling case that a pro-independence majority in the Scottish parliament, combined with the undoubted material change in circumstances wrought by Brexit, means a fresh plebiscite is not only reasonable but necessary.

This truth may also be countered by another truth. The Scottish electorate is split down the middle on the question of independence and there is no evidence of any overwhelming clamour for a new referendum. Polling confirms that little more than one in four voters like the idea of a referendum in the next two years and no more than 45 percent wish one at any point in the next five.

That matters; just as it must count that when Sturgeon was asked what a voter who wants her to handle the pandemic but doesn’t want a referendum should do, she had no hesitation in arguing that they should give both their votes to the SNP. Obviously those votes are now enlisted in support of a referendum those casting them do not actually want.

On something more than a mere technical matter, the SNP’s failure to win a majority makes very little difference. The votes for independence will be there whether the nationalists have 68 seats or only 60. But in terms of how the election result may be interpreted, the failure to secure a majority - however difficult doing so might be - does make a difference. It checks the sense of momentum upon which the SNP were relying and it leaves Scotland standing more or less in precisely the same place it was five years ago. All that huffing and puffing and performative outrage and much else besides and, in the end, it appears not very much has changed.

A pro-independence majority at Holyrood is certainly a necessary condition for a referendum but it is not always a sufficient one. If it were, there might be no reason not to hold a referendum every five years - or even more frequently than that - until such time as the correct result was delivered. Even SNP diehards would, I think, allow that repeatedly asking the question in this fashion would be neither feasible nor desirable. This being so, if follows that a majority at Holyrood is not enough for a referendum in any or all circumstances.

2011 was different because - wait for it - the referendum question had never been asked before. Salmond’s majority earned the right to put the question on the table precisely because it had not been put before. A decade later but only seven years since the 2014 referendum, the situation is clearly different. The consensus which existed in 2011 perished long ago, but that it once existed - that it was appropriate to have a referendum - was important. It ensured that the process was respected even by those who would have preferred it not to take place at all. That, more than anything else, contributed to what Nicola Sturgeon called a ‘gold standard’ process for going about these things. If that was the gold standard, what’s available now is made of brass.

For as long as half the country opposes a referendum (and for so long as the 2014 plebiscite remains a matter of recent memory), the British government will enjoy the cover it needs to avoid a referendum. ‘Now is not the time’ is plainly, however, a policy of steadily diminishing returns. The more time that passes, the harder it is to argue that not enough time has passed before a referendum could be considered seemly. It is a line that will hold for now - and the success of the Tory campaign in this election is a story of its own that has not yet received the attention it merits - but it will not hold forever.

The nationalists will hope that Johnson’s refusal to countenance a referendum will persuade Scots who do not currently desire one to change their mind and begin agitating for it. Such a possibility cannot be ruled out. This is very crooked timber, after all. It is obvious that, as a moral matter, there is a great difference between a situation in which more than six in ten people demand a referendum and one in which not much more than four in ten do. At that point, too, any referendum would most likely confirm a choice already made in the privacy of voters’ minds.

But we are not there yet and so while the mandate wars will be exhausting - not least on account of the amount of performative stupidity on display - they will not be resolved any time soon. Both sides have a compelling and reasonable case to make and both sides enjoy the support of half the electorate. Until something changes on that front, this stalemate will endure.

It is not Boris Johnson blocking the SNP just as it is not the British government refusing the consent needed for a second independence referendum. It is the half of the Scottish people which refused to vote for SNP candidates that are blocking the nationalists’ aspirations. Their voices, being equal in number to those who desire a referendum, should be heard too. So, yes, the SNP have a point but so, in equal measure, do their opponents.

WRITTEN BY

Alex Massie
Alex Massie is Scotland Editor of The Spectator.
 
The only thing wrong with that article is that there were more votes cast by the Unionist parties than the Nationalist parties and only 1/3 of the electorate voted for the SNP

Let’s see if the SNP can deliver anything if substance in this term - for 14 years they haven’t so I’m not holding any hope that it will be anything other than a gravy train for those involved in Holyrood.

Meet the new boss - same as the old useless one
 
Bearing in mind the results whereby the Conservatives did well in England, Labour did well in Wales, and the SNP in Scotland and the media focus on leader personalities rather than policies, it's not surprising that due to the recent exposure afforded by COVID-19 press conferences :cool: that any opposition leaders would be subject to the Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead effect ??? ;)
 
The only thing wrong with that article is that there were more votes cast by the Unionist parties than the Nationalist parties and only 1/3 of the electorate voted for the SNP
And what was the turnout ...... ?
Let’s see if the SNP can deliver anything if substance in this term - for 14 years they haven’t so I’m not holding any hope that it will be anything other than a gravy train for those involved in Holyrood.

Meet the new boss - same as the old useless one


Some sort of reform is needed. And if Holyrood is to actually benefit Scotland it needs a focus on the people and economy and needs proper oversight and real accountability - and it needs MSPs of higher quality and greater legislative competance and dilligence if it is allowed to make law.

That is a very big ask.

A vicious cycle allows the SNP to damage and diminish Scotland and a policy of damage and division is perversely grinding them more power in Holyrood - so why change?

So what we will see is them finding more ways to create petty division and manufacture faux outrage - at the expense of both Scottish and UK taxpayers.
 
And what was the turnout ...... ?



Some sort of reform is needed. And if Holyrood is to actually benefit Scotland it needs a focus on the people and economy and needs proper oversight and real accountability - and it needs MSPs of higher quality and greater legislative competance and dilligence if it is allowed to make law.

That is a very big ask.

A vicious cycle allows the SNP to damage and diminish Scotland and a policy of damage and division is perversely grinding them more power in Holyrood - so why change?

So what we will see is them finding more ways to create petty division and manufacture faux outrage - at the expense of both Scottish and UK taxpayers.
The SNP, in order to push voters towards independence, need to avoid anything looking like an acceptable state of affairs. They need the people of Scotland to swallow their bullsh!t and see independence as a preferable alternative to status quo within the UK.
 
So why then with the seemingly obvious lies, deceit, coverups and gross mismanagement is the SNP still so popular. 🤪🤪
 
So why then with the seemingly obvious lies, deceit, coverups and gross mismanagement is the SNP still so popular. 🤪🤪

Interestingly, their 'popularity' is higher inside the Scottish Parliament than out on the street (as measured by polls).
 
So why then with the seemingly obvious lies, deceit, coverups and gross mismanagement is the SNP still so popular. 🤪🤪

Mixture of local politics - what people are against as well as for. The SNP gets a proportion of the incumbent vote that used to go to Labour in Scotland. People don't punish political parties in a consistent way - we have naional examples of this. And single issues can complicate things - as witnessed by Brexit and the Labour party - it was played as a Conservative 'thing' but it seems to have impacted Labour's core vote in parts of England.

And a lack of oversight. This comes in two forms. The weakness of the Scottish parliament as an institution and weakness of coherent opposition. And the lack of oversight by press and public because Holyrood sits below the level of the UK national press and media.

As an example - the unresolved scandal of Ferguson Marine seems to have done almost no tangible damage to the incumbent SNP. It continues to fester with the occasional mention in the press - but no real holding to account as regards to responsibility and decision making.
 
Maybe now is the time for the UK Government to carry out a full audit of the COVID monies given to the previous administration ?
 
Well read the article on India,and right at the start of it the author ignored what went wrong,a lock down was called for and as so often happens in that part of the world it was mostly completely ignored,in various areas of this country when we had the lock down it was ignored and added to that of course the take up for vaccinations was in those very same areas a low uptake.
At this point I must admit I lose interest,because you can only ask people to comply with what were/are simple requests,but it has been seen with this covid pandemic that we seem to have evolved a whole mass of people ruled by religion ,media or facebook,to take the opposite position on everything that was asked of them.
 

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